It 's been almost a decade since the last great popular movement has abandoned the idea of \u200b\u200bthe square as a place of protest. The G8 meeting in Genoa in 2001, when the movement had more talk about Seattle, March 23, 2002, when the CGIL could lead to Rome three million workers and students united against the deletion of Article 18 of the Statute of workers, and finally in 2003, when the aftermath of the invasion of American troops on Iraqi territory, the peace movement in Italy, bringing millions of people mobilized to express their dissent. These stages are perhaps the only notable movement antagonist Italian last decade. From that distant 2003, when in fact the last great mass mobilization, you do not know other movements that have marked the history of the Italian left. Since then, opposition began to form an idea of \u200b\u200bambivalent at the prospect of a square and antagonism of government. This path culminated in 2006 when, after the failed experience of the third Berlusconi government lasted only a year, left the party, represented by the Communist Refoundation, the Italian Communists and the Democratic Left, he decided to enter the Prodi government. A left entirely new: no more or square or government, but that is of one of the other. This project also saw the approval of members of the social centers such as Francesco Caruso, representatives of the LGBT world as Vladimir Luxuria and trade unionism as Titti Di Salvo. So a left entirely new, renewed, which speaks the same language as the common people. In the same year, however, something starts to change: the left is almost always the government. There is a program to respect and to maintain a stable coalition. The specter of Berlusconi intimidating and there is more time then for objections or questions. This process leads to the center of the coalition to the left of the square where the people had to have confidence in the elections. Completely wrong choices produce disillusionment and disenchantment: the approval of the reform of the pension system, which leads the increase in the retirement, started by Roberto Maroni and concluded with the Prodi government through some small change, the outcome for the refinancing of all combat missions abroad, the non-approval of the Committee of Inquiry to the events of Genoa G8 to cuts' Education Minister Fioroni that led to a reduction of € 3,174.90 funding, endorsed the expansion of the airport U.S. military Dal Molin di Vicenza; Bertinotti praise of the Thunderbolt on a mission of war in Lebanon, according to the 'Former Speaker of the House "the soldiers here (in Lebanon) are the best showcase of the country [...] and their presence is peace, our whole country should get the height of this window ", all events that lead to a complete split between popular and mass parties, and a total failure of the project undertaken. In 2008, the election after the fall of the Prodi government, sets out a definitive and predictable death of the Italian left parliament.
Today, groped to restore relations with the base, you must create social conflict in the lived realities: "think global, act local". Through this assumption, the Zapatista Caracoles, Marcos, EZLN Subcomandante, exemplifies in the best possible way the ideal of politics, or rather of political action. The major economic systems, totalizing and globalizing, produce different effects if we take as many different experiences. E 'own perceived by the particular social problems of the different territories the point from which the Italian left has to leave. The socio-political federalism is a good food for thought from which to revive a serious discussion.
E 'needed more than ever, even retrieve those values \u200b\u200bare often forgotten: back in the factories and restore relations with the unions, to impose discussion of social rights involve the student world in political discourse, the intransigence on the choice, programmatic autonomy. Essential but also the humility and self-criticism: to recognize the mistakes of the past and deal with them.
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